Aware, Awake & Arise: Issues that concern the region

Monday, February 11, 2008

The Legend of a Leader: Hijam Irabot

"Now a time has come during which a mutual congregation and construction are the only vital questions. Let us forget our personal enmity, clan and national animosity and be prepared to love the nation as a whole." - Hijam Irabot, at the 2nd Session of NHMM.
This article blooms straight from the heart as a floral tribute to our great leader, a noble spirited, Hijam Irabot, who had burnt all his heart and soul for the glory of mankind in general and the downtrodden in particular. Words will never be able to give full justification for the immense contribution that he has given to us and nothing can erode it also.
The 30th of September 2007 is the 111th Birth Anniversary of Hijam Irabot. He was born in 1896 at Oinam Leikai near Pishumthong. He was the son of Hijam Iboongohal and Thambalngambi Devi. Their family condition was very poor. His father died when he was quite young. He received the affection of his aunt Sougaijam Ongbi Ibeton Devi. His mother also died untimely. He was married to Rajkumari Khomdonsana Devi, daughter of Maharaja Churachand Singh's elder brother Chandrahas Singh.
He started his schooling in Johnstone School. He studied here up to seventh class. In 1913, when he was only seventeen years, he went to Dacca with his friend Sougaijam Samarendra Singh for further studies. In Dacca, he could only study up to ninth class because he was forced to leave his study due to acute financial problems. In 1915, he went to Tripura and spent few months there. But when he came back to Manipur he found himself homeless. It was Maibam Samden of Wangkhei who gave shelter to Irabot.
He was recognized to be the guiding founder of the Bal Sangha, Scout and Chhatra Sanmeloni while he was still in the Johnstone School. He even ventured to launch strike against the misadministration of the teaching staff of the Johnstone School when one of his classmates was beaten and kicked in the presence of the other boys. It is still remembered to be the first strike in Manipur by the school-going students.
He was an enthusiast of literary works. His first endeavour was brought out in 1922, in the form of a hand written magazine called Meitei Chanu. He was the editor of this magazine. The magazine could not last long for want of reading public as well as financial support.
But it remained a pioneering work amongst the early publications of the Manipuri journals. Like his contemporaries, Irabot had a keen desire to produce some original literary works mainly to fill up the dearth in the curriculum of the High School studies. His book Saidem Seireng was prescribed as a textbook for the High School students of fifth class.
His literary attempt in novel writing was first seen in Yakairol, a monthly journal published by Dr. Ningthoujam Leiren when his first novel Mohini was published in a serialized form from August 1931. In 1933, he got his book printed under the title Dalil Amasung Darkhast Iba to bridge the gap between the Manipur State Darbar and the public.
He also acted as the general Secretary of the Manipur Sahitya Parishad for two terms i.e., 1937 and 1938. With the beginning of 1947, Irabot tried his hand in the field of journalism. The first issue of his weekly journal Anouba Jug was produced on Sunday, the 13th April 1947.
Irabot was a versatile actor and he acted in many dramatic performances during the early parts of the 1930s. Some of the plays in which he played active role were Nar Singh, Satee Khongnang, Areppa Marup, Devala Devi etc. Irabot was also a good artist and a painter. Apart from his sportsmanship he encouraged the traditional Manipuri style of 'self-defence' commonly known as Sat-jal. He was one of the founder members of the Manipur Sports Association.
On 1st April 1930, Maharaja Churachand Singh appointed Irabot a member of the Sadar Panchayat Court. He was given 25 paris of land, a salary of Rs. 25 per month and servants to attend to his wife. Although he had powers of a Second-class Magistrate in the Sadar Panchayat Court, he never encouraged bribery and corruption.
He looked into a kind of justice mostly in favour of the downtrodden and the poor peasants of the society. He was against the autocratic rule of the monarch under the shadow of the British. He wanted to end to the eternal clashing between the rich and the poor and the man-made concept of Master and Slave.
He used his position in order to come closer to the people, study their problems and organize them. He was strongly against the unlawful impositions connected with pothang, yairek-sentry, khewa, dolaireng, chandan senkhai, wakheirol etc. He also expressed his robust opposition to the atrocities meted out to the people by the Brahma Sabha.
He started his first mass campaign for the socio-economic uplift of the people and the result was the formation of the Nikhil Hindu Manipuri Mahasabha, mobilizing all the Manipuris inside and outside the state. The first session of the Mahasabha was held on 30th May 1934 at Imphal.
Maharaja Churachand Singh was its first President and he held this post till the third session of the Mahasabha. Its second session was held at Tarapur, Silchar, on 30th January 1936 and Irabot acted as the General Secretary. The third session took place at Mandalay, Burma on 2nd march 1937 in which Irabot was the Vice-President.
In the fourth session of the Mahasabha, held on 30th December 1938 at the Chinga Hill Maidan, Irabot was appointed as its President. In his Presidential speech, he proposed to abolish the Manipur State Darbar and an introduction of electoral system in Manipur.
The Manipur State Darbar subsequently declared the Mahasabha an illegal political party on 15th February 1939.
Irabot started to advocate an open rebellion against the high officials of the State Administration after his resignation from the Sadar Panchayat membership on 17th March 1939. On 7th January 1940, he immediately defected from the Mahasabha on matters regarding the non-agreement on physically supporting the Nupi-lan among its members.
On the very same day he organized a new party called the Manipur Praja Sammeloni. He was arrested from his house on 9th January 1940 and sentenced to 3 years imprisonment for a speech on 7th January 1940 at the Police Line Bazar. He was previously kept at the Imphal jail but later shifted to Sylhet jail.
During his imprisonment in the Sylhet jail, he came across with many of the Congress and Communist leaders. He was very much influenced by the communist ideology and became an ardent believer in Marxism-Leninism.
Irabot was released from the Sylhet jail on 20th March 1943. But he was not permitted to enter Manipur. From Sylhet he went to Cachar where he plunged headlong into the peasant movement. He attended the first Party Congress of the Communist Party of India held at Bombay from 23rd May to 1st June 1943 as an observer.
Irabot was detained as a security prisoner in the Silchar District jail with effect from 15th September 1944 on the charge that he was a communist. He was released on 10th January 1945.after more than 5 years of political exile Irabot was given permission to stay in Manipur for a week i.e., from 2nd to 10th September, 1945.
His request for an extension of his stay in Manipur was denied. He led a very active life while he was in Assam. He worked in the Kishan Front of the Communist Party and was appointed General Secretary of the Cachar District Kishan Sabha and President of the Surma Valley Kishan Sabha.
Irabot was finally permitted to enter Manipur in March 1946. He organized a new party called the Manipur Praja Mandal in April 1946. He attended two sessions of the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha before he was expelled from the membership of the Working Committee of the Mahasabha on the charge of being a member of the Communist Party of India.
The Mahasabha sympathized with the aspirations of the Indian National Congress. After his resignation from the membership of the Mahasabha, he committed his political strategy and personal energy for the upliftment of the Manipur Praja Sammeloni. Manipur Praja Sangha was formed merging the two organizations, Manipur Praja Sammeloni and Manipur Praja Mandal to become a powerful political party in Manipur.
A meeting of all the political parties of Manipur was convened at the Aryan Theatre Hall on 4th October 1946 to form a single political party. When the appointment of representatives from the different parties was discussed, surprisingly, Irabot's name was particularly excluded from the list of the nominated members.
Many of the members of the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha refused to accept Irabot's membership because of his connection with the Communist Party. Irabot walked out of the Hall and other members of Manipur Praja Sangha and Manipur Krishak Sabha followed him.
The most notable outcome of this event was the abolition of the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha and the emergence of the Manipur State Congress. The Manipur Praja Sangha boycotted the process of forming the Constitution-Making Committee, which left the field open to the Congress only.
The election to the first Manipur State Assembly began on 11th June 1948 and continued up to 27th July 1948. The election was for a total seat of 53 seats. Irabot contested from Utlou constituency and defeated his nearest rival by 1070 votes.
A new twist came in the life of Irabot. On 21st September 1948, Irabot on behalf of the Manipur Praja Sangha and Manipur Krishak sabha called a meeting at the M.D.U. Hall to protest against the formation of Purbachal Pradesh, comprising of Manipur, Tripura, Cachar and Lushai Hills.
A scuffle took place at Pungdongbam when the Manipur Sate Police prevented a group of citizens who came to attend the meeting in which a police officer was killed on the spot. Irabot sensed that the State Government would hold him responsible for the incident and take up repressive measures against him. From that day he went underground.
The Manipur state council declared the Manipur Praja Sangha and Manipur Krishak Sabha unlawful. The state officials declined to constitute an Enquiry Committee to investigate the Pungdongbam incident. Irabot could not attend the first meeting of the Manipur Legislative Assembly held on 18th October 1948 because of the warrant against him.
The first Communist Party of Manipur was formed on 23rd August 1948. But it could not last long after the occurrence of Pungdongbam incident. An underground Communist Party of Manipur was again formed on 29th October 1948, under the Presidentship of Irabot.
He felt that although the democratic revolution had actually drawn closer in the state, the great mass of the peasantry was as exploited as ever. He was firmly convinced of the inexorableness of an armed struggle led by the peasants to bring about any meaningful changes in the society.
The state administration announced a reward of Rs. 1000 for the arrest of Irabot. There had been a strong anti-Communist drive in Manipur. The Manipur State Police, the Manipur Rifles and the Assam Rifles intensified their operations against the Communist Party, and many of its workers were arrested, tried and charged.
While on his way to Manipur from Burma, Irabot had been attacked with typhoid and succumbed to it on 26th September 1951. Manipur has lost its faithful son who courageously stood up to wipe out her tears, leaving his dream unfulfilled. Much water has been flowed down the Imphal river but to unearth a true and dedicated leader like Hijam Irabot stills remain a myth.
"Economically Manipur is a backward country…. It would be the right approach for all of us to fill up this great deficiency, and to bring advancement and prosperity in the country."-Hijam Irabot at the 1st Session of NHMM.

Vote to live or live to vote

This article was published in The Sangai Express.
Another game of musical chair is round the corner. The game is the forthcoming general election to the 14th Lok Sabha of Indian Parliament. Manipur host this sporting event on 20th and 26th April 2004. There are two groups: one group represents inner Manipur Parliamentary constituency while outer Manipur Parliamentary Constitution represents the other group. Players from each group have started filing their nominations and the real contestants will be known once the scrutiny is over. All the players are really trying their best to become skilled at timely delivering of the jingle of "false" promises to impress the judges (electorates).The winner from each group will represent Manipur and receive amenities of New Delhi as an award and moreover if luck clicks a ministerial berth in the cabinet.
Representative Parliamentary democracy calls for a system of choosing representatives of the people and for a suitable machinery adult franchise. Elections are complex events involving individual and collective decisions, which directly affect, and are affected by the total political and social process. They open up channel between the polity and the society, between the elites and the masses, between the individual and the government. They are major agencies of political socialization and political participation. But what Manipur is experiencing today is just the opposite social reality.
It is a matter of delight to note that under the universal adult franchise, the people of Manipur became the first to enjoy the fruits of democracy by electing the Assembly, the first of its kind so constituted, in the entire Indian sub-continent in 1948. But is it really a matter of pride taking into account the customary political mayhem in Manipur? Then Manipur was merged into the Indian Union in 1949 and became a Part C state of the Indian Constitution. Manipur was granted statehood in 1972.
In the general election to the Lok Sabha, Members of Parliament are elected. They act as the channel that links the people of the constituency/ state and the centre. They are elected to highlight the various socio-economic and cultural problems that the state is running through into national attention. But more than these roles, another important role, which they ought to perform, is to get to the bottom of these problems. Unfortunately, these are only utopian dogma to our representatives since they fail to deliver their role set. They could not live up to the promises they have made before the election. It is said promises are made to be broken; but for how long we have to linger on and tolerate? When will we be able to quench our thirst for an answer to our disconcerted plight?
If Democracy is about election and election is about participation then Manipur has achieved much. In Manipur, in the first general election to the Lok Sabha in 1952, there were 2, 98,553 electorates, of which 1, 47,864 and 1, 50,689 were men and women electorates respectively. The number of contesting candidates was 14. There were 383 polling stations. The percentage of total polled was 51.24. In the 13th Lok Sabha election in 1999, there were 13, 72,339 electorates, of which 6, 72,650 were men and 6, 99,689 were women. The number of contesting candidates was 18. There were 2001 polling stations. 65.67% of total votes were polled. The highest and lowest numbers of contesting candidates were recorded in the11th and 4th Lok Sabha with 28 and 10 candidates respectively. The 8th Lok Sabha recorded the highest percentage of votes polled with 85.79% while the 5th Lok Sabha recorded the lowest with 48.86%.
The general observation that we can infer from the last thirteen general elections in Manipur is that in all of them except in the 6th and 8th Lok Sabha elections, women electorates outnumbered men; the average number of contesting candidates is 14; and the average votes polled is 65.54% which is comparatively high. This high political participation may suggest that electorates of Manipur are highly politically socialized. But this hypothesis proves to be null. One supports a candidate who can be of some benefits in terms of bribing and bargaining for a job, loan, tenders, etc. A note, which depicts Gandhi, can easily buy a person's vote. He is happy with it. Another person is also happy with that. The manifest function is just to garner as much votes in exchange of Gandhis. But are we really conscious of its latent function? The past and present catastrophic political system is a vivid evidence for it. The representatives deliberately use their power and positions to realize their own interests ignoring the interest of the common people. They also don't have the sense of accountability. This has been going on for the last 52 years.
It would be important to locate here that there is a scheme called the Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS). It was announced in the Parliament on 23 December 1993 to take up development works of capital nature in their respective constituencies. Under the scheme, each Member of Parliament may suggest to the Head of the District, works to the time of Rs. 2 crore per year to be taken up in his/her constituency. Elected members of Rajya Sabha may select works for implementation anywhere in the State from which they are elected. For Manipur, the fund released by Government of India under the scheme was Rs. 4, 215 Lakh, cost of works sanctioned by the respective District Head was Rs. 4, 146.2 Lakh and the expenditure incurred up to 31 March 2003 towards the implementation of works recommended by MPs of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha was Rs. 3, 628.7 Lakh. The percentage of utilization over release was 86.1%. Do we know where all this money has been utilized? We don't know where this money has been utilized. Don't we have the right to information? Yes we have the right to information. Do we ever try to find out the information? No, we never try to find out the information. This clearly shows our lack of responsibility and vigilance. We have the attitude that our task is done once the election is over. Our primary responsibility, on the contrary, begins only after the election is completed.
Election in Manipur has become a ritualistic act rather than a meaningful one. The political culture in Manipur is really disheartening. There is nothing in it we can learn, share and transmit to our future generation. Political system is a subsystem of society. There is a close link between polity and society. Election signifies the collective representation of the people. There is a need to realize and ignite our collective political consciousness. The pace of political evolution needs to be speeded up. What is really important for all of us is not a mere participation in elections but participation with responsibility. A strong pressure group is the need of the hour. The mother of all the malaise lies in the fact that we live to vote. This cliché has to be wiped out completely from the psyche of the people. The time has come that we vote to live an unwavering socio-economic, political and cultural life.

Lai Haraoba of Manipur